10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED


These are 10 mysterious photos that cannot be explained.

1. The Babushka Lady

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Babushka Lady

During the 1963 assassination of president John F. Kennedy. A woman is recorded on film and in many photographs. She appears to be taking photos of her own while the others run for cover. The FBI searched for the woman but her identity and photos were never recovered.

2. The Hessdalen Lights

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Hessdalen Lights

Throughout the years, vibrant lights are famed to show up and photos taken in Norway's Hessdalen Valley. Many studies have been conducted to define this phenomenon. Scientists are still at a loss to explain what it is about this valley that causes these lights.

3. The Hook Island Sea Monster

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Hook Island Sea Monster

In 1964, a couple spotted a strange object calmly swimming toward them in the lagoon park island. It seemed to be a gigantic tadpole like creature, estimated about 80 feet long. After taking several photos the couple claims the creature opened its mouth before moving off.

4. The Solway Firth Spaceman

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Solway Firth Spaceman

In 1964 a man photographing his daughter captured what appears to be an astronaut standing behind her. He claims no one else was present in the shot other than the girl. And even the Kodak company inspected the photo to confirm that it was not tampered with.

5. The S.S. Watertown Ghosts

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The S.S. Watertown Ghosts

In 1924 two sailors were killed in a freak accident and buried at sea. In the days following, the crew claimed to see two faces of these men following the ship. And the captain snapped this photo that allegedly shows their faces in the waves.

6. The Black Knight Satellite

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Black Knight Satellite

In 1960 a dark, tumbling object was reported in Earth's orbit. At this time no satellite had been launched nor was identified as a man-made design. And since then, many other finds have been recorded of similar objects appearing in orbit before vanishing.

7. The Copper Falling Body

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Copper Falling Body

There is very little information available about this mysterious photograph. Other than, the copper family moves into their new home and takes a family photo. After developing, the picture shows a body falling from the ceiling.

8. The Geophone Rock Anomaly

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Geophone Rock Anomaly

This photo was taken by Apollo 17 during the last flight to the moon. The photo was listed as "blank" do to extreme light exposure but when the contrast was adjusted the photo revealed a pyramid-like structure.

9. The Goddard Squadron Photograph

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Goddard Squadron Photograph

In 1919 this photo was taken on the day of the funeral of squad number to be, Freddy Jackson. At the top of the photo, a face emerges behind one of the officers. Recognized by members of the squadron as Freddy Jackson.

10. The Mysterious Case of Elisa lam

10 MYSTERIOUS PHOTOS AROUND THE WORLD THAT CANNOT BE EXPLAINED The Mysterious Case of Elisa lam

In 2013, Elisa was found dead inside of the Hotel's rooftop water tank. Her death was ruled as accidental and no traces of drugs or alcohol found during her autopsy. Hotel surveillance footage just moments before her death show Elisa enter an elevator she begins behaving strangely, first stepping to the side as if avoiding someone and moving around in a very unnatural way before ultimately wandering off to her demise.

Source: The Richest Youtube Channel


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Courting trouble

The impulsiveness and shallowness of America’s president threaten the economy as well as the rule of law

DONALD TRUMP rules over Washington as if he were a king and the White House his court. His displays of dominance, his need to be the centre of attention and his impetuousness have a whiff of Henry VIII about them. Fortified by his belief that his extraordinary route to power is proof of the collective mediocrity of Congress, the bureaucracy and the media, he attacks any person and any idea standing in his way. Just how much trouble that can cause was on sensational display this week, with his sacking of James Comey—only the second director of the FBI to have been kicked out. Mr Comey has made mistakes and Mr Trump was within his rights. But the presidenth as succeeded only in drawing attention to questions about his links to Russia and his contempt for the norms designed to hold would-be kings in check(see next leader). Just as dangerous, and no less important to ordinary Americans, however, is Mr Trump’s plan for the economy. It treats orthodoxy, accuracy and consistency as if they were simply to be negotiated away in a series of earth-shatteringdeals. Although Trumponomics could stoke a mini-boom, it, too, poses dangers to America and the world.

Trumponomics 101
In an interview with this newspaper, the president gave his most extensive description yet of what he wants for the economy. His target is to ensure that more Americans have well-paid jobs by raising the growth rate. His advisers talk of 3% GDP growth—a full percentage point higher than what most economists believe is today’s sustainable pace. In  Mr Trump’s mind the most important path to better jobs and faster growth is through fairer trade deals. Though he claims he is a free-trader, provided the rules are fair, his outlook is squarely that of an economic nationalist. Trade is fair when trade flows are balanced. Firms should be rewarded for investing at home and punished for investing abroad.

The second and third strands of Trumponomics, tax cuts and deregulation, will encourage that domestic investment. Lower taxes and fewer rules will fire up entrepreneurs, leading to faster growth and better jobs. This is standard supply-side economics, but to see Trumponomics as a rehash of Republican orthodoxy is a mistake—and not only because its economic nationalism is a departure for a party that has championed free trade.

The real difference is that Trumponomics (unlike, say, Reaganomics) is not an economic doctrine at all. It is best seen as a set of proposals put together by businessmen courtiers for their king. Mr Trump has listened to scores of executives, but there are barely any economists in the White House. His approach to the economy is born of a mindset where deals have winners and losers and where canny negotiators confound abstract principles. Call it boardroom capitalism. That Trumponomics is a business wishlist helps explain why critics on the left have laid into its poor distributional consequences fiscal indiscipline and potential cronyism. And it makes clear why businessmen and investors have been  enthusiastic, seeing it as a shot in the arm for those who take risks and seek profits. Stock markets are close to record highs and indices of business confidence have soared.

In the short term that confidence could prove self-fulfilling. America can bully Canada and Mexico, into renegotiating NAFTA. For all their sermons about fiscal prudence, Republicans in Congress are unlikely to deny Mr Trump a tax cut. Stimulus and rule-slashing may lead to faster growth. And with inflation still quiescent, the Federal Reserve might not choke that growth with sharply higher interest rates. Unleashing pent-up energy would be welcome, but Mr Trump’s agenda comes with two dangers. The economic assumptions implicit in it are internally inconsistent. And they are based on a picture of America’s economy that is decades out of date.

Contrary to the Trump team’s assertions, there is little evidence that either the global trading system or individual trade deals have been systematically biased against America. Instead, America’s trade deficit—Mr Trump’s main gauge of the unfairness of trade deals—is better understood as the gap between how much Americans save and how much they invest. The fine print of trade deals is all but irrelevant. Textbooks predict that Mr Trump’s plans to boost domestic investment will probably lead to larger trade deficits, as it did in the Reagan boom of the 1980s. If so, Mr Trump will either need to abandon his measure of fair trade or, more damagingly, try to curb deficits by using protectionist tariffs that will hurt growth and sow mistrust around the world.

A deeper problem is that Trumponomics draws on a blinkered view of America’s economy. Mr Trump and his advisers are obsessed with the effect of trade on manufacturing jobs, even though manufacturing employs only 8.5% of America’s workers and accounts for only 12% of GDP. Service industries barely seem to register. This blinds Trumponomics to today’s biggest economic worry: the turbulence being created by new technologies. Yet technology, not trade, is ravaging American retailing, an industry that employs more people than manufacturing. And economic nationalism will speed automation: firms unable to outsource jobs to Mexico will stay competitive by investing in machines at home. Productivity and profits may rise, but this may not help the less-skilled factory workers who Mr Trump claims are his priority.

The bite behind the bark
Trumponomics is a poor recipe for long-term prosperity. America will end up more indebted and more unequal. It will neglect the real issues, such as how to retrain hardworking people whose skills are becoming redundant. Worse, when the contradictions become apparent, Mr Trump’s economic nationalism may become fiercer, leading to backlashes in other countries—further stoking anger in America. Even if it produces a short-lived burst of growth, Trumponomics offers no lasting remedy for America’s economic ills. It may yet pave the way for some thing worse.

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The extreme right-winger who’ll counsel President Trump

Stephen K. Bannon cuts a rather unprepossessing figure, said Kathleen Parker in The Washington Post. “Photos of him show a dishevelled, shaggy-haired man in need of a shave who appears to have slept in his clothes, possibly on a sidewalk grate.” But he has an intriguing background. A former naval officer, Goldman Sachs banker, Hollywood producer and documentary maker, he helped steer Donald Trump’s campaign to victory. And he’s the man the president-elect has now chosen to serve as his chief White House strategist and senior counsellor. Cue outrage from Bannon’s many critics, who believe he is a “racist, xenophobic, misogynist, anti-Semitic nationalist” who shouldn’t be allowed anywhere near the White House.

Let’s get one thing clear, said Ian Tuttle in National Review: “Steve Bannon is not Josef Goebbels”. People who know him well, such as Julia Jones, his long-term screenwriting partner in Hollywood, say he has never displayed any hint of racism or anti-Semitism in his personal life. He does, however, have questions to answer about his chairmanship of the controversial Breitbart News website. Before he took over, in 2012, the right-wing website was provocative and irreverent, but under his aegis the tone has become altogether more ugly as the site has catered to the so-called “alt-right”, a “small but vocal fringe of white supremacists, anti-Semites and internet trolls”. For example, Breitbart reported as “100% vindicated” Trump’s specious claim that “thousands” of Muslims in New Jersey celebrated the 9/11 attacks. Bannon might not subscribe to these poisonous views himself, but he was happy to give them a media platform.

Bannon’s enemies should beware of exaggerating the alt-right’s influence for partisan advantage, said The Wall Street Journal. One lesson of 2016 is that denouncing those who disagree with you as bigots is “a losing strategy”. That said, the political tendency Bannon represents “deserves a watchful eye”. The White House will regret it if it encourages the “white-identity grievance politics” fostered by Breitbart. Another lesson of the election, after all, is that partisan propaganda is a misleading guide to reality. Democrats are “reeling” today partly because The New York Times and other liberal media voices assured them that Trump “could never win. Republicans don’t need a right-wing version.”

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